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Home»Explore by countries»Dubai / UAE»India-UAE Trade Relations and the Strategic Value of Recent Agreements
Dubai / UAE

India-UAE Trade Relations and the Strategic Value of Recent Agreements

By IslaMay 23, 20269 Mins Read
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The India-UAE relationship has evolved beyond energy and diaspora into one of India’s most consequential strategic-economic partnerships in West Asia. Presently, the UAE’s agreement with India includes a US$5 billion investment during the ongoing Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit, alongside agreements in energy storage, LPG supply, defense cooperation, AI/supercomputing, shipping infrastructure, and sovereign investment. This happened through the National Investment and Infrastructure Fund (NIIF) of India and the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA). These agreements are not only commercial statements but are part of India’s strategy to build resilience during the turmoil-hit West Asian region, leading to maritime insecurity, supply chain disruption, and energy market volatility.

India-UAE economic ties already rest on a strong foundation. The Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) signed in May 2022 aimed to raise bilateral trade in goods to more than US$100 billion and services trade to more than US$15 billion within five years. That target has increasingly become realistic. Official Indian diplomatic sources describe the UAE as India’s third-largest trading partner and second-largest export destination, with Indian exports to the UAE estimating more than US$36.63 billion in FY 2024–2025 with the trade basket including petroleum products, gems and jewellery, food products, textiles, chemicals, and engineering goods. The relationship is therefore not restricted to hydrocarbons despite the fact that energy trade is the crucial pillar of this trade.

In May 2026, during PM Modi’s visit, seven landmark agreements were signed between India and the UAE. The significance of the new agreements lies in India’s energy security. India, being one of the largest energy importers in the world, is directly affected by the instability in the West Asian region, which directly affects inflation, logistics, industrial production, and capital outflow. The arrangement between Indian Strategic Petroleum Reserves Limited (ISPRL) and ADNOC related to the storage of up to 30 million barrels of ADNOC crude oil as Indian strategic petroleum reserves gives India a deeper buffer against external shocks. In contemporary times, when the Strait of Hormuz and Red Sea trade routes are vulnerable due to disruption, strategic reserves are not just commercial assets, but they have emerged as the instruments of national security. Furthermore, the possibility of storing Indian strategic crude in Fujairah is significant because it lies outside the Strait of Hormuz, providing India with some workable options during these crisis times in West Asia.  

The LPG and LNG components are also strategically useful. India and the UAE had signed a US$3 billion LNG deal under which ADNOC Gas would supply LNG to India’s Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Limited (HPCL) over a period of ten years. Further, the two sides aimed to double this trade to US$200 billion within six years. For India, long-term Gulf energy contracts reduce the exposure to market vulnerability. This matters particularly during West Asian crises, when shipping insurance, freight costs, and crude prices have risen sharply. In this context, the UAE’s role as a reliable energy partner therefore gives India not only energy security but also macroeconomic predictability.

The proposed US$5 billion investment commitment associated with the NIIF-ADIA co-investment framework is expected to significantly contribute to the development of India’s infrastructure, energy logistics, port connectivity, digital ecosystems, and emerging artificial intelligence capabilities. For India, the significance of this investment is at both domestic and strategic levels. At the domestic level, it facilitates long-term capital accumulation in critical sectors that require sustained and patient investment. Strategically, it enhances the participation of Gulf sovereign wealth in India’s economic transformation and development trajectory, thereby positioning the UAE as an important stakeholder in India’s economic stability, infrastructure expansion, and market growth. Furthermore, such investments enable India to diversify its sources of external capital and reduce excessive dependence on Western financial flows at a time when rising global interest rates, geopolitical sanctions, and supply chain disruptions are increasingly constraining international capital mobility.

India and the UAE have also agreed to a strategic defense partnership framework covering areas such as joint training, maritime security, cyber defense, advanced technology, defense industrial collaboration, and secure communications. This is very significant because India’s western maritime extended neighbourhood is under stress. The Arabian Sea, Gulf of Oman, Strait of Hormuz, Bab el-Mandeb, and Red Sea are no longer only strategic Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC), but they have also emerged as the contested spaces vulnerable to drone attacks, tanker seizures, proxy conflicts, and great power competition. A stronger India-UAE maritime understanding helps India to protect its SLOCs, energy flows, and trade connectivity. In this context, the Cochin Shipyard and the Drydocks World ship repair cluster at Vadinar, Gujarat, is commercially valuable as well as strategically important. The development of this kind of maritime infrastructure can help India to reduce its dependence on external hubs and strengthen its role in the western Indian Ocean economy. This can also help India to connect with larger frameworks such as the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), in which the UAE is a critical node between India, the Gulf, and Europe.

Another important dimension of the partnership pertains to technological cooperation, particularly in the fields of artificial intelligence (AI) and high-performance computing (HPC). The reported G42–C-DAC agreement to establish an 8-exaflop “Condor Galaxy India” computing cluster is strategically important because advanced computing power is increasingly becoming a vital resource in global politics and economics. If effectively operationalized, this could substantially strengthen India’s AI ecosystem by supporting initiatives related to defense technologies, climate and weather modeling, cybersecurity, large language models, and broader industrial innovation. In the evolving geopolitical and techno-economic landscape, access to advanced computing infrastructure is becoming as strategically consequential as access to energy resources, maritime infrastructure, and critical minerals. So, India-UAE cooperation in this domain reflects the transformation of bilateral relations from a predominantly trade-related partnership.

These agreements will help India in the challenges it is facing due to turmoil in the West Asian region. These strategic reserves will help in creating energy buffers through crude storage, LNG, and LPG arrangements for India. Further, they deepen trade and investment flows between India and the UAE at a time when regional instability could inhibit the flow of capital. The consolidation of maritime and defense cooperation through the Emirati state will further help India in the region where there are more stakes involved. These stakes require India to maintain balanced relations with the West Asian nations in order to protect its diaspora, remittances, energy imports, and commercial networks. The UAE plays a very significant role in all of this due to its stable domestic political situation and its economic strength as a nation with its geostrategic positioning between East Asia, West Asia, and the larger Eurasia region. For India, this makes Abu Dhabi not just a Gulf partner but a strategic platform. The large Indian diaspora in the UAE further anchors the relationship socially and economically. Remittances, business networks, education, healthcare, tourism, and professional mobility all add depth to state-level cooperation.

Nevertheless, India must carefully navigate certain structural and strategic challenges within the bilateral relationship. The trade imbalance in favour of the UAE continues to remain substantial, largely due to India’s dependence on hydrocarbon imports. Furthermore, the long-term viability of local currency settlement mechanisms will depend upon achieving a greater balance in bilateral trade flows and ensuring effective reinvestment of capital. Similarly, the significance of the proposed multi-billion-dollar investment commitment will ultimately be determined by its translation into tangible projects and the clear definition of implementation timelines. In the security domain, defense cooperation must also be calibrated cautiously to enable India to strengthen strategic partnerships while avoiding entanglement in the complex geopolitical rivalries and conflicts of West Asia.

The agreements signed between India and the UAE in May 2026 represent a timely strategic consolidation. These agreements will help India convert this bilateral partnership into a multidimensional engagement covering energy security, capital flows, infrastructure, AI, defense, maritime logistics, and geopolitical stability. In a turbulent West Asia, this provides India with a kind of strategic insurance. At the same time, there still remains the risk of regional conflict; however, this improves India’s capacity to absorb shocks, diversify partnerships, secure energy supplies, and project itself as a stable economic actor in the West Asian region.

  • Dr. Anu Sharma is an Assistant Professor at the Amity Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (AIDSS), Amity University, NOIDA. Previously, she has been associated with the Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS), New Delhi as Research Fellow with research interests related to various subjects associated with the West Asian region. She has published and presented various papers on foreign and domestic politics of Iran and the broader West Asian region both nationally and internationally. She has also published a book titled “Through the Looking Glass: Iran and its Foreign Relations” in the year 2020 through KW Publishers which was co-published by Routledge in the year 2022. She also on the reviewer panel of Scopus indexed journal Journal of Strategic Security, published by the University of South Florida, US and Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (AJMEIS), published by Shanghai International Studies University (SISU). She is also the regular columnist with The Week and her weekly column “Gulf Watch” discusses the pertinent issues related to geopolitics, regional politics and foreign policy of the Gulf region.

    She has credible experience as a freelancing journalist with “The Statesman” newspaper, New Delhi as part of her Graduation programme. She holds a Masters degree in Politics with Specialisation in International Relations from the School of International Studies (SIS), JNU and an M.Phil. degree from the American Studies division of Centre for Canadian, US and Latin American Studies (CCUS&LAS), SIS, JNU. She has done her Ph.D. from Centre for International Politics (CIP), School of International Studies (SIS), Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar (Gujarat).



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